The so called negotiations
between the Greek government and the rest are in the “dead zone”.
What now hangs in the balance is either an agreement for the
prolongation of the limbo situation, in order for further talks to
take place in search of a real solution to the “Greek problem”,
or a rupture.
The Greek government has
made it clear that it is not willing to continue on the therapy that
was enforced, since it has been proven to have made things worse,
without solving the problem. The other side insists that what has not
worked so far has to be continued and concluded before any other
option is examined.
At this point it might be
useful to look back to the problem that Greece faces, not on the
fiscal or even structural level. The fiscal problems are of course
connected to the structural inefficiencies. But even the admittedly
severe structural failings are not the original source of trouble. It
goes even deeper than that, into the actual institutional framework
of the Greek state.
For 40 years following the
fall of the US-backed military dictatorship, Greek politics has been
based on the autocratic rule of all-potent prime ministers and their
partisan system of clientelism that dominated all aspects of life.
Governments have been able to not comply with laws but to change the
rules at will, through the absolute hold on the Legislative. In the
absence of a system for real control of the executive, laws were even
ignored and the constitutional impunity of ministers has made
corruption to be perceived as something normal. Situations not
unique, since all countries in Europe and beyond have their share of
corruption, tax evasion and underground economy, but maximized in
Greece for the last 40 years.
All sorts of privileges
have been granted or denied to various groups, by laws that have
produced a highly dysfunctional economy and an inefficient, chaotic
public administration. Insufficient political goods were provided:
The Justice system has a backlog of hundreds of thousand cases that
will never be judged in a sensible time frame. A private Health and
Education market had flourished, since the public system was
underfunded and/or mismanaged. Infrastructure was so unequally
distributed (in order to maximize profits for contractors and bribes
for decision makers) that nearly 70% of Greeks needed to move to the
big cities, in order to secure a minimum of decent living standards.
With such a poor record on
the public goods offered, it is no wonder that mismanagement,
widespread tax evasion and massive underground business have derailed
the Greek economy. It was to be expected that such a system would
have no resilience, once a major crisis (like in the post-Lehman
period) hit Greece. Sadly, the only solution that was ever offered
after Greece went practically bankrupt in 2010 was to impose a
program of austerity that crippled the national economy (25% drop of
GDP), impoverished 40% of citizens and piled more debt on the
already high mountain of public obligations.
Suppose that a compromise
is achieved between Athens, the institutions and the partner
member-countries of the EU/EZ, and a complete collapse is averted.
Suppose that a solution is found for the public debt (by now even the
IMF and the ECB admit it is not sustainable) and that there is
agreement even on the course for the Greek GDP to start growing
again. Without radical institutional reform that would ensure that
rulers rule, legislators legislate and judges judge, it will only be
a matter of time before another collapse, when Greece will be faced
with the next crisis.
*First appeared in German translation by Hubertus Volmer at
http://www.n-tv.de/politik/politik_kommentare/Griechenland-in-der-autokratischen-Falle-article15332956.html
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